Balochistan is not a fringe story. It is the litmus test for Pakistan’s democracy, justice and national cohesion. Sprawling across nearly half of the country’s landmass, rich in copper, gold, gas and cobalt, and positioned at the doorstep of global trade routes, it should have been the crown jewel of Pakistan’s economic future. Instead, it has become a byword for alienation, insurgency, and silence.
For decades, Balochistan has been viewed as a security threat rather than a political and developmental partner. That mindset has fractured trust and widened the fault lines between state and society. What began as tribal demands for rights has evolved into a generational insurgency. Young, educated Baloch – frustrated by injustice and disillusioned by broken promises – are being drawn into militancy. But the most alarming shift is the invisible hand behind it.
Foreign interference – especially from India's RAW – has played a central role in fueling terrorism and instability in Balochistan. The Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), a designated terrorist organisation, has carried out deadly attacks on security forces and infrastructure, often with the help of funding and sanctuary provided across the border in Afghanistan. These networks mislead, radicalise and arm Baloch youth to wage war not for their rights, but for someone else’s geopolitical designs. This is not resistance but exploitation. These foreign-sponsored insurgents may claim to be liberators, but in reality they are predators feeding on despair.
The killing of Nawab Akbar Bugti in 2006 was a turning point that ruptured whatever fragile trust existed between Balochistan and the federation. His death ignited a broader wave of armed resistance, radicalised segments of the youth and became a lasting symbol of state repression in the Baloch political imagination. It marked the beginning of a more dangerous, entrenched phase of conflict – one the state has yet to recover from.
Some of the loudest voices that claim to represent the Baloch cause – including the tribal sardars – live in marble mansions in Geneva, London and Dubai while their people suffer in mud homes without schools, hospitals or clean water. The Baloch child has no access to a library, while his so-called liberators deliver speeches from luxury suites abroad. So, in that context, it is not just the state that must answer for Balochistan’s tragedy; it is also those who turned their struggle into a lifestyle brand, profiting off the pain of their own people.
Just last week, Army Chief General Syed Asim Munir declared, “even ten generations of terrorists cannot harm Balochistan” – a powerful reaffirmation of the military’s pivotal role in safeguarding Pakistan and defeating terrorism. The armed forces have held the line with immense sacrifice and resolve. But lasting peace demands more than security operations. Force can neutralise insurgents, but only justice, inclusion and dignity can win hearts and secure the future.
To move forward, words must turn to action. President Asif Ali Zardari, in his first term, tried to recalibrate the federal relationship with Balochistan. He publicly apologised to the province and introduced the Aghaz-e-Huqooq-e-Balochistan package, followed by the historic 18th Amendment, returning provincial control over key subjects. Recently, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s cabinet approved the diversion of Rs300 billion from petroleum development levy savings toward critical infrastructure projects in Balochistan, including the long-delayed dualization of the deadly N-25 Highway (Quetta–Karachi via Kalat and Khuzdar), completion of Phase II of the Kachhi Canal, and the solarisation of agricultural tube wells across the province – marking a rare but meaningful step towards correcting decades of developmental neglect.
Development must begin with education. Balochistan has the lowest literacy rate in Pakistan and an even more appalling gender gap. Investment in primary schools, vocational training, teacher recruitment, and digital access is critical. Education isn’t a favour; it is a constitutional right and the best shield against extremism. The province’s mineral wealth – copper, gold, coal and lithium – has the potential to transform its fortunes. But projects like Reko Diq and Saindak must not enrich federal coffers or foreign companies at the expense of locals.
Balochistan must own its resources. Royalties must be fairly distributed. Jobs must go to locals. Environmental protections must be enforced. The newly proposed ECODEC (Economic Corridor Development and Coordination Authority) can be a transformative body, but only if it includes Baloch stakeholders at every level and operates transparently under parliamentary oversight.
None of this can succeed if the youth of Balochistan are treated as suspects rather than citizens. The solutions offered – truth commissions, infrastructure, jobs – must never be used as tools of suppression. They must empower, not pacify. They must offer healing, not humiliation. We also need political inclusion. Akhtar Mengal, Mehmood Khan Achakzai and Dr Abdul Malik Baloch have all remained committed to parliamentary engagement despite provocation and marginalisation. Their presence in the democratic process is a necessity. These are not separatist leaders but constitutionalists. Strengthening them is our last bridge to peace.
So what is the way forward? We need an immediate national consensus on Balochistan that transcends politics. We need a Truth and Reconciliation Commission – independent, credible and backed by civil society – to investigate enforced disappearances and recommend justice. We need a restructured Aghaz-e-Haqooq package, tied to local governance, audited annually and implemented with provincial consent. We need a localised hiring framework for every national project in the province, with quotas for education, health and infrastructure. We need constitutional safeguards for Baloch identity, language, culture and heritage. We need to internationally expose and dismantle foreign-funded terror networks operating against Pakistan from Afghan and RAW-sponsored channels.
The path forward demands courage – not just from the Baloch, but from the state itself. Courage to acknowledge past mistakes. Courage to invest in people, not just projects. Courage to differentiate between those misled and those malicious. We must launch a comprehensive truth and reconciliation process, not to whitewash the past, but to reckon with it. Enforced disappearances must end. Missing persons must be accounted for. Compensation, where due, must be paid not with pity, but with dignity.
We need a Balochistan where a young student chooses a university over a mountain cave, where a labourer chooses employment over exile, and where a mother sees opportunity, not disappearance, when her child steps out of the house. This is not a utopia. It should be an obligation.
Let Balochistan be a region that no foreign hand can poison, no sardar can monopolise and no insurgent can hijack. Let it be governed by the people, for the people, with the full trust and protection of the federation. That is how unity is earned, not imposed.
The writer is an MNA and a
recipient of Sitara-e-Imtiaz. She holds a PhD in law.
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